Friday, September 19, 2014

Working through Our Daddy Issues: How ABC’s Lost Critiqued Masculinity, Fatherhood, and Governmental Leaders


 It is commonplace in cultural studies to claim that everything is constructed.  Therefore, to state with an air of certainty that fatherhood is a constructed role formed from the images and expectations of any given society at any given time would hardly surprise many.    The father’s underlying image, at least in the Western world, has been profoundly shaped by Greek mythology, Roman law, Christianity, and both the French and Industrial revolutions. Representations of fathers and fatherhood are influenced by both historical and contemporary forces and often reveal a great deal about the cultures that produce such imagery. Moreover, the father figure remains more than just a representative of the personal father, the individual man known to his son or daughter. This figure also becomes a symbol standing in for all authority figures, for order, law, and government.  Michael Bader argues that the nation, an ultimate authority for many, is often viewed as “a metaphor for a family” and that “we project onto ever-expanding forms of social authority the longings originally satisfied by parents” in our childhood (582).  He continues that “on a symbolic level, we look to our leaders to provide the protection and strength usually associated with fathers” (582).  Even the terminology utilized for government heads, phrases like “the Founding Fathers,” reveals this conflation (Bader 582).  With this dual layer to the father figure, it should not be surprising that narratives across popular culture are ripe with complex father figures and offer up a multitude of telling father issues.  In American texts at least, this bombardment may likely be the result of two completely unrelated conditions:  the changing status of the father in the 21st century and the national crisis in authority and security after the 9/11 attacks. 

This first motivating force means that fictional fathers stand in for real fathers and that the narratives in which they appear are trying to work through problems of domesticity and patriarchy in the family – private zone issues transferred into the public space of mass mediated entertainment.  For example, the past century has seen a rethinking of the role of the father and traditional male expectations in general.  Samuels credits the 1970s women’s movement for assisting in this re-visioning (3).  Psychologists now report seeing a “new kind of man” with new kinds of problems:

He is a loving and attentive father to his children, a sensitive and committed marital partner, concerned with world peace and the state of the environment; he may be vegetarian.  Often, he will announce himself as a feminist.  He is, in fact, a wholly laudable person.  But he is not happy – and bids fair to stay miserable until either the world adjusts to him or he manages truly to integrate his behavioural and role changes at a level of psychological depth.  (Samuels 3)

Part of this adjustment the father has had to make, one that conflicts with centuries of cultural training, stems from a shift that has occurred within the past few decades from viewing the father as “the head of the family” to viewing him as a “co-parent” (Zoja 9).  And, in more and more families, with the father’s financial responsibility as the head of the family becoming less necessary and divorce becoming  more common, “it has been said that the father is becoming a luxury” (Zoja 225).  Zoja explains that “his traditional psychological functions are exercised to an ever slighter degree.  His material tasks are conferred to mothers or institutions.  His erosion as a psychological figure is often now accompanied by physical disappearance” (Zoja 225).  Studies have tracked this trend of the disappearing father in the United States throughout the last decades of the 20th century and into the 21st.  Although this disappearance is often physical, in many cases it is simply emotional.  It has been reported that American fathers “spend an average of seven minutes a day with their children” (Zoja 225).  This lack of quality time spent between father and child is viewed by many as a failure to fulfill the parental role. 

However, the personal father is not the only authority figure being accused of failing to live up to his obligations.  The second motivating force behind the plethora of failed father figures plaguing fictional narratives might be indicative of other larger authorial failures: for example, governmental failures post-9/11.  This would mean that these fictional fathers are allegorical in nature, and that these storylines are working through problems of national concern.  ABC’s groundbreaking television drama, Lost, offers a  multitude of father figures that suggests not only a crisis concerning the role of the father in the 21st century but also the crisis of national security experienced by Americans after the attacks.  In particular, the program showcases three specific types of troubled father/child relationships: those in which the father is absent and/or dead, those where the father is portrayed as abusive and/or evil, and those where the father and child are estranged and/or their relationship is severely damaged.

The Importance of “Dead” Dads in Narratives Across Media

Scholars have long been fascinated with the problematized father/child relationship and its portrayal in narrative works.  Of particular interest is often the representation of the absent and/or dead father.  Roland Barthes boldly suggests that the absent father is almost a prerequisite to narrative success, stating, “every narrative (every unveiling of the truth) is a staging of the absent, hidden or hypostatized father” (10).  Other scholars have agreed that for both narrative and character development to happen, fathers must be absent.  Jason Bainbridge, for example, argues that “for a great variety of stories, from Oedipus Rex to Harry Potter to Equus to Dexter to any of the Pixar movies, it is the absence of the father that initiates the narrative and, in many cases, forces the protagonist to assume the role of the hero” (1).   However, it should be cautioned that for the absent father to really have a narrative affect, he must be more than simply absent and missing from the storyline; “he must be alluded to, represented (often metonymically), and affect the action” (Dervin 53). 

This figure of the dead father is often analyzed through a Freudian or Jungian lens.  One common way that academics read such narratives is through Freud’s discussion of father-murder and father-rescue – the theory that children simultaneously long to bring about their fathers’ downfall and salvation.  Michael Zeitlin analyzes Donald Barthelme’s Dead Father, claiming it is involved in a complex (and direct) commentary on this Freudian notion (197).  Zeitlin draws attention to this moment within the text:  “On the rescue of fathers… When you have rescued a father from whatever terrible threat menaces him, then you feel, for a moment, that you are the father and he is not.  For a moment.  This is the only moment in your life you will feel this way” (198).  In this passage Zeitlin claims that “Barthelme is following and reiterating the original Freudian explication of the rescue fantasy: ‘All [the son’s] instincts, those of tenderness, gratitude, lustfulness, defiance and independence, find satisfaction in the single wish to be his own father’” (198).  Barthelme’s novel explicitly addresses Freud’s belief that many children long for the death of the father as much as they wish to be his savior in passages such as this one:  “We want the Dead Father to be dead.  We sit with tears in our eyes wanting the Dead Father to be dead” (5).

In a Jungian reading there might be a valid reason to “want” the father dead.  Only in that (ideal) form, it seems, can the father ever reach his full potential. Barbra Greenfield explains, “For Jung the father is a mental spiritual principal that is ‘above’ and ‘beyond’ the material world […] a sort of divine perfection […] beyond the reach of mortals still tied to the physical world” (204).  When he is portrayed as bodiless, as a deceased father would be, he can represent more than he was; he can stand for the Law, for the Idea of authority, for the Symbolic realm as a whole.  Bainbridge analyzes villainous father figures in popular culture, reading them against the theories of fatherhood proposed by Freud and Jung, theories which he finds to be problematic in nature (1). He concludes that narratives “evince a desire to return their bad fathers to this Jungian state through death,” and that in doing so “they all become literally bodiless (leaving the trappings of their materials selves and the blame for their crimes behind them) to become truly Jungian-like and redeemed” (8).  Bainbridge argues that only in absence, in death moreover, can “the good father be truly made present again” after he has fallen from that pedestal of perfection within narrative spaces (8).

Getting the Picture on the “Small Screen”:  Televisual Critiques of Failed Fathers

ABC’s Lost is quite unique in its extensive, critical portrayal of multiple father figures.  While other contemporary television programs have included similar critiques of fathers, these have existed on a much smaller scale.  In Masculinity and Popular Culture, Rebecca Feasey analyzes a variety of late 20th and early 21st century television programs for the ways they portray male characters.  Her comprehensive project covers much ground:  representations of gay men on sitcoms; gender bending in science fiction; and masculinity as defined by sports media, reality television, and advertising.  Most relevant, however, are the moments when she focuses on television fathers.  For example, in studying the soap opera, Feasey notes that the recurrent theme of unknown paternity currently challenges the importance of the fatherly role (16).   Her discussion of the failed father figures found on contemporary adult animated sitcoms – such as The Simpsons, King of the Hill, and The Family Guy – can be related to Lost.  Feasey argues that these programs make it clear that the principle male characters – portrayed regularly as incompetent family men – are not to be viewed as upstanding “role model[s] of masculinity, fatherhood or parenting” (36).  Although without a doubt ineffectual, the fathers in these programs differ greatly from those on Lost:  while their parenting practices may occasionally qualify as neglectful, they are rarely depicted as purposefully abusive, and, unlike the majority of the fathers on Lost, they remain in the household as members of relatively traditional nuclear families. 

Although many popular culture texts, televisual and otherwise, have housed problematic fathers, no narrative to date has showcased as many flawed father figures as Lost.   The program offers a running commentary on father-child relationships; this focus even appears in episode titles like “All the Best Cowboys Have Daddy Issues” (1:11).  Perhaps this focus on the father can be partially attributed to the show’s use of character backstory – its flashback-heavy narrative form that pairs events from the present with crucial scenes from the past.  In fact, these storylines may be necessary because “stress between parents and children drives many of the personal histories of the characters on Lost, and is the reason many of these people were on Oceanic 815,” the flight that would land them on the island where the narrative unfolds (Wood 23).  But, whatever the reason for this plethora of father-child storylines, their purposeful inclusion is hard to miss.  In season one, 18 episodes included references to father-child relationships. In season two, 13 episodes developed such storylines.  Season three included 13 episodes with this focus. Season four, a shortened season due to the 2007 writers’ strike, had 8 of 14 episodes touching on this motif.  In season five, almost all of the episodes – 12 of 16 – further developed father-child conflicts, or even introduced new ones.  And in season six, even as the series reached its close, Lost continued its steadfast commitment to father-child storylines by expanding upon existing relationships and debuting new ones in 9 of its final 16 episodes.

Fathers who “Lost” their Lives:  Murder, Mayhem, and Magic

Lost offers viewers storylines that fall within the most outrageous of this category: fathers who died at their children’s hands.  Three storylines are devoted to the murder of evil fathers on the program:  John Locke, who arranges for the murder of his con man father, Anthony Cooper; Benjamin Linus, who murders his abusive and neglectful father, Roger Linus, leaving his body unburied; and Kate Austin, who murders her father, Wayne Janssen, in an attempt to save her mother from his perpetual physical abuse. While the deaths of these men and their physical absence from their children’s lives are important, more important is the influence they wield from beyond.   These murdered men are alluded to frequently within the series, appearing in the memories of their children via flashbacks, and ultimately influencing their actions (and therefore the plot more broadly).  One such example of the dead father’s lingering presence can be seen in the storyline devoted to Kate and Wayne Janssen.  Kate is haunted, quite literally, by the memory of murdering her father.  He appears in visions in the form of another character on the island and in the unlikely form of an unexplained horse which wanders around the tropical landscape.  This notion of father haunting carries over, becoming a reoccurring plot line for a major father-child relationship arch on the show – that of the relationship between Jack and Christian Shephard.  The latter relationship, between Jack and his father, results in regular visions, or seemingly hallucinations, of the dead man’s presence on the island and later, post-rescue, off the island as well.

Lost’s focus on the past might seem to conflict with a Jungian reading, or more accurately, Jungian analytical practices, that emphasize the here and now rather than the patient’s past.  However, the flashbacks (or memories) and hallucinations found in Lost are very much a part of the characters’ “here and now.” And it is largely through these memories, and more importantly the hallucinations, through which the characters work through their father issues.  This is important because Jung saw value in hallucinations.  One criticism that Jung had of Freud was that he made too great a distinction between hallucination and reality (Samuels 9).  Jung’s work was concerned with “psychological reality as experienced by individuals as opposed to what Freud termed ‘actual reality’” (Samuels 9, emphasis added).    The program often leads viewers to ponder the question, “What is reality?,” leaving them with an answer close to Jung’s – that reality is variable and individualized.  Jung did not view the unconscious as an enemy to be thwarted but as a potentially empowering, creative, and helpful force within individuals (Samuels 9).   Therefore, the characters’ hallucinations on the show can be read as therapeutic and self-healing rather than as detrimental to their mental stability.

However, not all of the characters work through their father issues.  Although Lost does provide  detailed storylines devoted to the dead or murdered father, it offers up more examples of partially developed storylines hinting at the negative effects of the absent (although not always dead) father.  This category would include numerous characters such as Claire, Hurley, Anna Lucia, Sawyer, Eco, Desmond, and Miles. Their absent fathers inadvertently impact the narrative through their children.  For example, Claire’s lack of a father (both her own father as well as her child’s father) results in her insecurity in raising the child she births on the island.  This child and its wellbeing become a recurrent focus of the show.  Another character with absent father issues is Sawyer.  The suicide of his father drives most of his pre-island existence and shapes his renegade personality both on and off the island.   And the absence of other characters’ fathers simply leaves them with personal problems that they must resolve even after the crash of Oceanic 815.  For example, Hurley’s flashbacks indicate that his compulsive eating disorder stems from the day his father abandoned Hurley’s family.  In their analysis of paternal failures on Lost, Holly Hassel and Nancy Chick note another set of characters that would fit loosely into this group:  Jacob and the Man in Black.  They argue that since these twins are “at the heart of the island’s origin story,” their fatherless childhood is quite important as they then have “no model of fatherhood, or even manhood” (Hassel and Chick155).  They claim that this “fatherless origin story retroactively explains the inadequacies of the (other) fathers on the show” (Hassel and Chick 169).

However, not all absent fathers impact their children in such negative ways.  As Bainbridge’s analysis of popular culture texts suggests, more often the absent father exists within a narrative to force the protagonist into the hero’s role (1).  Lost highlights this narrative function of the absent father in an early episode of season one devoted to the central father-child dynamic of Jack and Christian Shephard.  In this episode a flashback reveals a confrontation between a ten year old Jack and his father after Jack has been severely beaten during his failed attempt to defend a school friend from bullies (1:5).  Of his failure his father remarks:  “You don’t want to be a hero; you don’t want to save everyone, because when you fail you just don’t have what it takes” (1:5).  As is usual on the program, the flashback is relevant to the present happenings on the island since Jack is being called to the hero’s role by the episode’s end.  In this episode, Jack’s hallucinations start and he begins seeing his deceased father walking about on the island.  He ultimately follows this supposed figment of his imagination through the jungle and ends up discovering a cove with drinkable spring water – something of which he and the other survivors are in desperate need.  He returns with the good news and, despite his father’s childhood warnings, rises as a leader with his infamous speech:  “If we can’t live together, we’re going to die alone” (1:5). Jack’s words unite the survivors, and for the remainder of the series he remains cast as the central hero of the program. 

Lost Souls:  The Scars of the Evil/Abusive Father

When Lost does offer a father who remains in his child’s life, it is often a father the character could have done without.  These depictions would include:  Sun’s father, Mr. Paik, a corrupt businessman with mob connections; Penelope Widmore and Daniel Faraday’s father, Charles Widmore, who systematically destroys his children’s happiness; and Alex’s father, the already mentioned Benjamin Linus, who becomes her surrogate father only after stealing Alex from her birth mother.  The two latter fathers, Charles Widmore and Benjamin Linus, both eventually contribute to the deaths of their children, making them fall easily into the classification of “evil”.  Charles Widmore quite directly sends his son, Daniel, to his death by ordering that he travel to the island on a scientific expedition, knowing that he will be murdered once there.  And, in a much more shocking scene, Benjamin Linus stands by and watches a mercenary shoot his daughter, Alex, in the head after attempting to call the man’s bluff during a hostage situation.  The last words Alex would have heard were:  “She’s not my daughter.  I stole her from a crazy woman when she was a baby.  She’s a pawn.  She means nothing to me.  I’m not coming out there, so if you want to kill her, go ahead and do it” (4:9).

What is interesting to note is that all of the “evil” fathers on the show occupy leadership positions:  Both Benjamin and Charles are the leaders of the island at different times, and both Charles and Paik are corporate powers off the island.  Each of these men’s political or business success comes at the expense of their children’s happiness and/or lives. In this way the series echoes the claims that Feasey makes in Masculinity and Popular Television concerning medical heroes, like those found in ER and House, and crime heroes, like those found in 24 and Spooks, who all sacrifice family for career accomplishments (68-93).  However, there does remain a noteworthy difference:  the characters of Feasey’s analysis all work in fields where their sacrifice ultimately is for the greater good of others; this is not the case for the powerful fathers portrayed on Lost.  Also, in choosing the most powerful men to be the most evil fathers, Lost sets up an interesting analogy:  the abusive, evil father as the corrupt, failed governmental leader.

The Estranged/Strained Father-Child Relationships

While many of the fathers on Lost cause their children serious emotional and physical damage, others exist to show less dramatized examples of strained father-child relationships.  The motif of the estranged father-child relationship began in the very first episode of the show when viewers were introduced to Michael Dawson and his son Walt Lloyd, arguably one of the most important father-son dynamics the show offers next to Jack and Christian.  Their fellow survivors on the island witnessed their struggle to cope with becoming father and son after years apart and often engaged in an ongoing commentary about their relationship struggles.  Although Michael ultimately goes to extreme lengths to see that his son is able to leave the island, his initial frustration and discomfort with fatherhood is noted by his fellow castaways.  In one episode devoted to this father-son duo, a passing comment from Hurley to Jack showcases this fact:  “He seems to hate it, doesn’t he?  Being a dad” (1:14).  While Michael and Walt’s relationship sparks the earliest conversations on the show concerning this theme, other characters reference their strained father-child relationships as the series progresses.  This list would include:  Charlie, Sayid, Claire, Tom, Miles, and Ilana.  Out of all the estranged father-child relationships on the show, the only one that nears repair is that of Hurley and David Reyes – a father who abandoned his child for 17 years only to reappear when his son won the lottery.  One additional relationship that hints at a father-child reconciliation is s that of Miles and his father, Dr. Pierre Chang.  It turns out that Chang did not abandon his child for selfish reasons but sacrificed his relationship with him (and perhaps his life) to save both him and his mother.  This revelation in season five potentially shifts his father from this category and into the next to be discussed, the suffering good father.  With its plethora of absentee fathers, Lost’s familial depictions mirror realistic societal patterns.  In many ways these fictional fathers align with Zoja’s research concerning the disappearing role of the father in American society during the 21st century and studies concerning the current crisis of masculinity. Concerning the latter, David Magill argues that, indeed, Lost is “a meditation on masculinity” (137).  He also reads the show’s “narrative of wounded white masculinity” as symbolizing “the wounds of war” felt by all of America post-9/11 (Magill 137, 141).  In this way, his analysis of the show hints at the way Lost’s fathers represent post-9/11 fears. 

One final father-child relationship that could be classified as estranged is one that is also an anomaly since the father was actually, for the majority of the character’s life, a caring, consistent presence in his child’s life.  Jin was raised by Mr. Kwon, a fisherman in a poor village.  Jin is so ashamed about his background that he lies to everyone, even his wife, about his past, claiming that his parents are dead.  Viewers are unaware of what type of father Kwon was until Sun, Jin’s wife, learns of his existence and visits him.  He explains to her that he had been involved with a prostitute who left Jin in his care as an infant.  Although Kwon never knew for sure if the child was actually his, he raised him as his son (3:18).  Quite obviously, against the backdrop of horrific father figures, Kwon represents one of the few good fathers that Lost depicts.  He also aligns with most of these good fathers in another interesting way:  most of them are not fathers in the traditional definition.  Most of the positive paternal figures are father stand-ins – stepfathers or surrogate fathers.  Another example would be Sam Austen, Kate’s stepfather. Sam raises Kate as his own, concealing that the abusive, alcoholic Wayne Janssen is her biological father – a fact that he knew would hurt her.  Although much of Kate’s past is linked to pain, she and Sam have a very positive relationship during her childhood, and she looks back upon it fondly during her time on the island.

The Price of Playing the “Good” Father

While Lost makes such positive representations few and far between, it also combines them with a surprising narrative twist.  Most of the good father figures are punished and/or meet their untimely demise.  Two key examples are Charlie and Jin.  Charlie had struggled throughout his early years with various problems.  He often played a fatherly role to his drug addict brother, Liam, resolving the problems Liam caused during their early years spent playing together in the band, Drive Shaft.  However, the roles eventually switch when Liam goes through rehabilitation and becomes a functioning family man while Charlie takes over his role as a heroin addict.  In the first few seasons on the show, Charlie constantly struggles to believe that he will ever be good enough to take care of someone other than himself. However, his friendship with a fellow castaway, the pregnant Claire, eventually develops into a romantic relationship wherein he becomes a surrogate father for her son, Aaron.  Although the path is not problem free for the three of them in their island quasi-family, Charlie enters the role of a good father.  However, his duration in that role is short lived as he soon becomes aware that he is destined to die.  Rather than trying to dodge fate, he gives in to it when he realizes that his death can save all his friends on the island, most importantly, Claire and Aaron.  In a touching scene before he dives to the ocean bottom  to willingly enter his watery tomb, he takes off his ring, a family heirloom, and places it in Aaron’s crib (3:21).  This coupling of death with acts of fatherly protection is not isolated.  Another character who shows the price a good father pays is Jin.  Although he is only presumed dead (during a cliffhanger break between seasons four and five), his act of dying in an effort to stop a freighter from exploding,  after ensuring that his wife and child make it to safety, again shows that no rewards are given to the fathers who act in the best interest of their children.

Many questions arise from these few storylines.  Why not let these positive father
representations exist as foils for the numerous negative ones?  After all, most narratives rely on such good versus evil character pairings.  What exactly is the show suggesting by allowing these visions of the good father to be fleeting?  What does it mean that these characters’ efforts to protect their children result in their downfall and death?  The answer may lie in the parallels that can be made between the fathers/leaders on the show and the figureheads/leaders of American culture.  The answer may be that Lost is simply not interested in depicting positive father figures because the program is much more concerned with the negative ones existing both within and outside its narrative constraints.

The (Paternal) Hand of Fate

With 73 episodes devoted to developing father-child storylines and 23 characters with “daddy” issues, this is not an accidental motif but a purposefully developed theme.  But the question remains:  Why?  Why would a complex show like Lost develop so much of its narrative material through father-child dynamics?  Such motivations may tie into its devotion to character development.

With its flashbacks, and later flash-forwards and flash-sideways, the program intentionally allows viewers to parse out the characters’ motives for their actions and the experiences that shape their personalities. Some of the most influential experiences that shape an individual’s life are those of father-child interactions, and he father’s influence is tied to the child’s fate.  On this, Jung writes:

If we normal people examine our lives, we too perceive how a mighty hand
guides us without fail to our destiny, and not always is this hand a kindly one.  Often we call it the hand of God or of the devil, thereby expressing, unconsciously but correctly, a highly important psychological fact:  that the power which shapes the life of the psyche has the character of an autonomous personality […] The personification of this source goes back in the first place to the father. (“The Significance” 240)

For Jung, the actual, physical father may not have this all-powerful influence, but the father figure often becomes a symbolic representative of this imagined force.   However, sometimes the actual, physical father does act in this direct role.  For example, the majority of the program’s fathers (the absent or dead fathers) would fall into Jung’s category of the “non-existent” father.  In his studies, Jung found that “without the father’s emotional support […] it becomes almost insurmountably difficult for a child to be properly born and confirmed in his own identity” (Seligman 81).  Since many of the characters on Lost struggle with identity issues, the father issues are in place to account for these problems.  Although the show’s writers and producers may be as well versed in psychology as they are in philosophy and physics, an alternate explanation for their focus on the father figure exists.

Searching for a Savior

Lost is a show with salvation as a central theme.  All of the characters are physically awaiting rescue from the island and are constantly in need of salvation from mysterious forces, outside threats, communal disturbances; often they need to be saved from themselves (or their pasts).  Most of the characters are waiting to be saved in one way or another.  Symbolically, the figure who most often plays the role of savior in a person’s life is a parent, or more stereotypically, a father.

Part of the cultural mythos of the father is that he should be a strong empowering force able to protect and improve his family.   According to psychological theory, when this cultural myth plays out correctly, the child’s developmental process is a more positive one.  When fathers fail to protect their children (either by absence, neglect, or abuse), these children grow up in a perpetual search for safety, mistrusting themselves and others.  This is clearly seen in a host of characters on the show.

However, with the focus on these failed fathers, they must represent more than just a gathering of poor parents.  It leads to the question:  what do fathers represent or for what is fatherhood a symbol?  Bainbridge argues that “the existence of fatherhood as a cultural construction […] permits fathers to exist as father figures for a much wider group of people than just their biological offspring” (3).   Therefore, father figures, persons not related to individuals by blood and perhaps not even connected to them, can take on the father’s symbolic role and wield psychological power.  This echoes Bader’s argument that the nation, through its leader, takes on the symbolic role of a father and is sought for protection and strength (582).  Assuming this transference to the national father is happening on Lost, the program is not simply critiquing individual fathers.  As a cultural product of post-9/11 America, the show is instead making a more indirect statement about the “father” figures of the country.

Lost as a Product of the American Post-9/11 Cultural Climate

Cultural artifacts are often the product of their time, and Lost is the product of a “bad dad.” It was written and produced when failing government and weak figureheads prevailed.   President George Walker Bush was, arguably, a man with his own “daddy issues.”  The Bush administration had ulterior motives for entering into the 2003 war against Iraq, and an address President Bush made six months prior associates these motives with fatherly influences.  Before the war, when addressing the Senate on homeland security issues in 2002, Bush discussed the threat posed by Saddam Hussein.  In this list he included Hussein’s failure to comply with United Nations’ regulations; his advancement of chemical, biological and nuclear weapon programs; and his hatred toward the United States (King par. 13).  In an aside, Bush said, “After all, this is the guy who tried to kill my dad” (King par. 14).  Bush was referencing the alleged assassination attempt of former President Bush while visiting Kuwait during the Clinton administration (King par. 15).   Revenge was not the primary motive for the Bush administration’s declaration of war, but this affect-driven presidential afterthought is intriguing nonetheless.   Zoja argues that “there is a relationship between the feelings that a leader awakens in his country’s citizens and those which a father, in the same country and period, awakens in his children” (197).  The most prominent feeling awakened in the United States during the Bush administration was fear – to such an extent that it was the shared national affect the first decade of the 21st century.  Reflecting this fear, Lost’s fathers provoke responses of fear and insecurity in their children on the small screen.

Lost remediates many post-9/11 fears throughout its run, discussing topics ranging from torture to biological warfare to the threat of governmental surveillance.  In Living Lost:  Why We’re All Stuck on the Island, J. Wood explains how Lost accomplishes this:

What Lost does so successfully is take these very real concerns straight off the front pages, abstract them into their psychological impression, and then crystallize that sense back into the framework of the narrative.  These characters aren’t being threatened by otherworldly aliens or vampires, creatures normally only seen on the screen or in pulp fiction; this situation involves the psychodynamics of terrorism that the contemporary audience experiences in the everyday world and plays it out on television 24 times a year.  As such, Lost performs a very necessary function:  It gives a narrative (and a safely distant context) to a real-felt sense of trauma.  By giving these abstract ideas a tangible narrative with a beginning and ending each week, that sense of terror is contained by the show, and thus becomes something that might actually be manageable. (ix)

In Wood’s reading, “the show abstracts and co-opts our very real concerns over the War on Terror” and becomes a sort of “repository for the sense of distress that has been generated, rightly or wrongly, through our media, government, and the collective cultural response to such voices” (ix).  As Sarah Burcon aptly points out, the program also acts as a sort of wish fulfillment, showcasing viewers’ desire to return to a pre-9/11 state (126). 

In this way, the series explores the notion of post-trauma survival.  Wood notes that what the fictional survivors on Lost have that most Americans do not is a membership in a “group that has all survived the same unbelievable trauma to support both the individual and the individual’s need to be part of the group [… ] This aspect of the psychology of the show shouldn’t look unfamiliar because it’s what most people think happened after our own big plane crashes on September 11, 2001.  But that kind of response doesn’t just automatically” occur (54).   Wood compares the sacrifices made following WWII to 9/11:

[the same] things didn’t really happen after September 11th, as we were told that our comfy lifestyles would not have to change and no sacrifices beyond simple symbolic gestures were necessary – just think of all the flags posted on gas-guzzling cars in the months after September 11th, while next to nothing was done to lessen U.S. dependence on a fossil fuel economy and its crazy market fluctuations due to events in the places that provide a good deal of those fossil fuels.  In its own manner, Lost became a model for how we could have responded as a group after a trauma, but weren’t able to or chose not to. (54)

Although Lost does offer a community united, it also delivers fear through narrative moments grounded in the problematic “us” versus “them” binary.  Although this opposition has long been utilized to stimulate dramatic conflict, in Lost, it is tied to the media rhetoric of 9/11.  Bader explains that  the “feelings of insecurity and disconnectedness that plague us in our personal and social lives” are often “blamed on the actions of some ‘other’ who is then demeaned and attacked” (584).    This problematic practice of “projection is deliberately used by conservatives to solidify their base.  By creating an imaginary ‘us’ and ‘them,’ they can then promise satisfaction of deep and legitimate longings for a community safe from both real and illusory threats posed from the outside” (Bader 584).  This us-versus-them binary also exists to nurture a superiority complex common to U. S. citizens.

In Lost, the us-versus-them binary showcases itself within the community of survivors but also externally between the community and “the Others.” The inner group conflict begins in the second part of the pilot episode when Sawyer accuses Sayid of being a terrorist and having caused the plane to crash, simply because of his middle-Eastern background (1:2).  But the mysterious “Others” exist as the dangerous “them” that sparks fear in the survivors throughout the first few seasons of the show.  In fact, the island leaders sometimes capitalize on this fear to condone unethical behavior.  For example, as the unofficial leader of the castaways, Jack allows Sayid to torture a captured “Other” (Ben) in order to extract information from him. And on the other side of the island, both Widmore and Linus (each a temporary leader of the “Others”) participate in massacres to ensure their community’s survival.

The term “Other” is packed with cultural baggage, but, in a post-9/11 American cultural text, does it  necessarily mean “terrorist”?  Wood answers this question directly: “Are the Others terrorists?  Not exactly, not in the popular sense:  Terrorists need to be dehumanized in the rhetoric used to describe them in order to reinforce their difference from us.  This often comes in the form of turning them into animals and monsters.  The Others don’t use the same tactics we’ve come to associate with terrorism, like beheadings and suicide bombings…” (107-8). Michael Newbury likewise distances the behaviors of the Others on the program from that of terrorists in the real world.  In his view, the Others behave like cold war nation-states, relying on the technological superiority of their military and surveillance systems (204). Overall, many scholars caution against simple readings of the show.  Jesse Kavadlo argues that reading “Lost as a political parable risks reducing the show to a cardboard morality play” (232).  Likewise, Wood clarifies: “it’s not as if Lost’s writers and producers actively set out to create some sort of allegory of the times.  When you’re steeped in the culture (as an artist or consumer), some kind of reaction to events and circumstances will exercise itself through a work, whether directly, obliquely, or actively ignoring those circumstances” (121). Wood suggests that we are “stuck in a state of unconscious distress because we don’t have any clear grasp on what it is we’re supposed to be afraid of” and, therefore, “can’t really confront that distress directly (because) we just don’t know enough about it” (121-22).  As a result, the fear we feel as a nation post-attack unconsciously resurfaces and seeks resolution in narrative spaces through repetition.  And, in the case of Lost, this repetition often comes in the form of quite telling father-child conflicts.  Regardless, whether inadvertently or purposefully, the program ultimately reminds viewers of the source of their fears: the post-9/11 rhetoric concerning terrorism and the hyperbolic depictions of terrorists made readily available by government figures in the wake of the September 11th attacks. With its direct attention to “othering,” Lost asks its viewers to contemplate the consequences of this practice and invites critiques of those who perpetuate it:  governmental “fathers.” 

Conclusion

Twenty-first century fictional narratives like Lost are full of flailing father figures whose prevalence is indicative of cultural problems outside those fictive realms.  For decades scholars have been analyzing televised portrayals of fathers as simple familial symbols – the fictional representatives of cultural norms, or, more accurately, cultural desires.  And while these characters may represent our societal wish list for a perfect family (as they may have in the days of Father Knows Best or Leave it to Beaver), and while some may exist to work through current cultural concerns about shifting familial structures (as in the declining presence and importance of fathers in the 21st century), today these fictional constructs may represent much more.  Somewhere along the line there may have been an evolution from fatherly portrayals as familial symbols to fatherly portrayals as signifiers of national affective states.  While a cigar may be just a cigar, it seems that in 21st century narratives a “father” is no longer just a father.

Works Cited
Bader, Michael.  “The Psychology of Patriotism.”  Phi Delta Kappan 87.8 (April 2006):
            582-584. Print.
Bainbridge, Jason.  “Blaming Daddy:  The Portrayal of the Evil Father in Popular Culture.” 
University of Tasmania.  Web. 11 June 2008.
Barthelme, Donald.  The Dead Father.  New York:  Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1975.
Barthes, Roland.  The Pleasure of the Text.  Trans.  Richard Miller.  New York:  Hill and Wang,
            1975. Print.
Burcon, Sarah.  “Lost: Flashbacks, Flashforwards, and Do-Overs.”  Time in Television
            Narrative:  Exploring Temporality in Twenty-First Century Programming.  Ed.  Melissa
Ames.  Jackson:  The UP of Mississippi, 2012.  125-138. Print.
Dervin, Daniel.  “The Absent Father’s Presence in Modern and American Gay Drama.” 
            American Imago 56.1 (Spring 1999):  53-74.  Print.
Feasey, Rebecca.  Masculinity and Popular Television.  Edinburgh:  Edinburgh UP, 2008.  Print.
Freud, Sigmund.  Moses and Monotheism.  Trans. and ed. James Strachey.  London:  Hogarth,
            1964. Print.
Greenfield, Barbara.  “The Archetypal Masculine:  Its Manifestation in Myth, and its
            Significance for Women.”  Samuels 187-210.
Hassel, Holly, and Nancy L. Chick.  “‘It Always Ends the Same’:  Paternal Failures.” Laist 
154-170. 
Jung, C. G.  The Collected Works of C.G. Jung.  London:  Routledge, 1983.  Print.
_____.  “The Significance of the Father in the Destiny of the Individual.”  Samuels
229-248.
Kavadlo, Jesse.  “We Have to Go Back:  Lost After 9/11.”  Laist 230-242.
King, John.  “Bush Calls Saddam Hussein ‘The Guy who Tried to Kill my Dad.’” CNN, 27
            September 2002. Web.  10 October 2009.
Lacan, Jacques.  Ecrits:  A Selection.  1966.  Trans. Alan Sheridan.  NY:  W.W. Norton and
            Company, 1977. Print.
Layland, W. Ralph.  “In Search of a Loving Father.”  Samuels. 153-170.
Magill, David.  “The Lost Boys and Masculinity Found.”  Laist  137-153. 
Newbury, Michael.  “Lost in the Orient:  Transnationalism Interrupted.”  Reading Lost
            Perspectives on a Hit Television Show. Ed.  Roberta Pearson.  London:  I.B. Tauris, 2009. 
            201-220.  Print.
“Parent Issues.”  Lostpedia.  Lostpedia.com, 16 Jul. 2009. Web.  11 Sept. 2009. 
Piatt, Christian.  Lost:  A Search for Meaning.  St. Louis, Chalice Press, 2006.  Print.
Porter, Lynnette, David Lavery, and Hillary Robson.  Saving the World:  A Guide to Heroes. 
            Toronto:  ECW Press, 2007. Print.
Porter, Lynette, and David Lavery.  Unlocking the Meaning of Lost:  An Unauthorized Guide. 
            Naperville, IL:  Sourcebooks, 2006. Print.
Samuels, Andrew, ed.  The Father:  Contemporary Jungian Perspectives.  Washington Square,
            NY:  New York UP, 1985. Print.
---.  “The Image of the Parents in Bed.”  Samuels 111-134.
Seligman, Eva.  “The Half-Alive Ones.”  Samuels. 69-94.
Wood, J.  Living Lost:  Why We’re All Stuck on the Island.  Garrett County Press, 2007.Print.
Zeitlin, Michael.  “Father-Murder and father-Rescue:  The Post-Freudian Allegories of Donald
            Barthelme.”  Contemporary Literature 34.2 (Summer 1993):  182-203. Print.
Zoja, Luigi.  The Father:  Historical, Psychological and Cultural Perspectives.  Trans. Henry
            Martin.  Philadelphia, PA:  Brunner-Routledge, 2001. Print.


Note:  A version of this article was first published in The Journal of Popular Culture 47.3 (2014):  430-450.





Saturday, August 30, 2014

Fun House Mirrors: Popular Culture's Distorted View of Girl/Womanhood


(A sneak peek at the introduction to the new book that Sarah Burcon and I are just wrapping up – From Toddlers-in-Tiaras to Cougars:  How Pop Culture Shapes the Stages of a Woman’s Life)

Introduction

            Popular culture as of late has painted a blissful and utopic image of gender equality in the United States.  If you believe everything you read in books and see on the screen, then we are living in a wonderland full of female success.  It’s the age of girl power – of Frozen, Girls, The Hunger Games, The Girl with the Dragon Tattoo, Hermione Granger, Olivia Pope, Lady Gaga, and Michelle Obama.  The past decade has seen our first female speaker of the house and presidential elections that found women perpetually in the spotlight as nominees for presidential and vice presidential candidates.  Today, we’re being told that if women want to succeed in the work force, they just have to “lean in.”[1]  And perhaps they don’t even have to lean in all that far because, according to media proclamations, we’ve supposedly arrived at “the end of men.”[2]  However – surprise, surprise – this simply is not the case.   
            Beyond the façade of gender equality lie several uncomfortable truths about the status of women, not only in the United States but around the world.  Women are still earning only 77% of what men in comparable jobs earn,[3] and the earning gap is even more glaring when it comes to women of color.[4] As far as job prospects go, the landscape pop culture paints as rich with female CEOs, government officials, surgeons, and lawyers grossly misrepresents the frequency of such high-positioned success among women.  Even in the 21st century, less than 20% of Congress has been female[5] and the number of female CEOs has been miniscule.  As of 2011, there were only 26 women acting as CEOs for Fortune 500 companies, which accounts to a mere 6.4% of such globally influential leadership roles.[6]  Although law schools are now graduating more women than ever before, at rates almost equal to male graduates, women make up only 17 percent of the partners at major American law firms.[7] And while women fare slightly better in other prestigious professions – for example, in 2012 women made up 25 to 32 percent of judges in the country (depending on the court) – they still are greatly outnumbered by their male colleagues.[8] 
            While it is true that women now make up 75% of the job force,[9] most are not working in the positions fictionalized in primetime lineups.  The majority of women still work in the same gendered service jobs that have traditionally been available to them for decades (e.g. secretaries, daycare workers).[10]  And despite gaining ground in various professions, women are still more likely than men to carry the burden of most domestic tasks,[11] they continue to be held to outdated double standards, and the world they are living in is not growing safer psychologically or physically.  For example, there is a 30% chance that women will end up with an eating disorder at some point in their lives,[12] a 35% chance that they will experience domestic violence or a sexual assault,[13] and the statistics for both depression and suicide rates among girls have increased throughout the 21st century at alarmingly steady rates.[14]
                We’re not claiming that the media never offers up evidence that points toward these cultural conditions.  Titles like The New Soft War on Women:  How the Myth of Female Ascendance is Hurting Women, Men – and Our Economy[15] flew to the bookshelves to contradict the messages concerning female success in the workforce found within Sheryl Sandberg’s Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead and Hanna Rosen’s The End of Men:  And the Rise of Women.  And the media frenzy surrounding the “Opt Out Revolution” – the sensational reports that exaggerated the rates at which women were flocking from their professional careers to return to lives as stay-at-home moms – further supports the fact that cultural standards are rarely the same for men and women.[16]  For example, when Nancy Pelosi became the first female speaker of the house in 2006, the only magazine to feature her on the cover was Ms. Magazine – a point they made sure to highlight in 2011 by featuring her again with the byline “The Woman TIME and Newsweek Won’t Put on their Covers” shortly after the other publications ran issues with the newly appointed Jon Boehner featured on the front of their magazines.  Similarly, the media commentary concerning presidential hopeful Hillary Clinton and Vice Presidential candidate Sarah Palin during the 2008 election was extremely problematic and points to the ways in which men and women are treated differently in public professional careers.  (This discourse continues to date.   For example, recently pundits posed questions about how being a new grandmother will impact Hillary Clinton’s 2016 election prospects.)[17]  Popular fiction and Hollywood film make the second-shift phenomenon that women face into fodder for comedic punch lines (e.g. I Don’t Know How She Does It) and ultimately support the practice by reinforcing the outdated idea that women are simply more natural and competent parents (e.g. What to Expect When You’re Expecting).  And if we were confused about whether young girls continue to face unreachable beauty standards and overt sexual objectification we need only flip through any sampling of reality television shows (e.g. Toddlers in Tiaras, Teen Mom, The Bachelorette) or watch Miley Cyrus twerking – or dancing with a foam finger or sailing through the air on a wrecking ball – to realize that this continues to be an epidemic. 
            Feminist media critics have long spent time analyzing such problematic imagery. However, some have turned toward studying the ways in which the imagery of the uber-successful women might be equally problematic. In Enlightened Sexism:  The Seductive Message that Feminism’s Work is Done, Susan Douglas argues that the depictions of strong, accomplished women in popular culture mask numerous societal problems still plaguing the United States, and the world at large. Her study proves that in the 1950s and 60s the media offered us narratives packed full of bathing beach beauties and stay-at-home moms, which didn’t reflect the reality of many women – women who were joining the Peace Corps, embarking on various professional careers, and engaging in politics. But the media of today offers us the opposite problem.  Decades ago the media illusion was that such ambitious women simply didn’t exist.  Today the media illusion is that equality for all girls and women has been accomplished when, of course, it hasn’t been.[18] As a result, today’s contradictory messages lead to a variety of misconceptions concerning the prospects of contemporary women. 
For example, a recent poll found that 60 percent of men and 50 percent of women believed women no longer face barriers in terms of advancement in the workplace.[19] Arguably, the endless stream of success narratives dominating popular culture – images of successful female doctors (e.g. Grey’s Anatomy), lawyers (e.g. The Good Wife), politicians (e.g. Scandal), CIA agents (e.g. Homeland), and more – has contributed to this erroneous thought. And, by far, the biggest “loser” of this new mindset is the women’s movement, which is all too often framed as antiquated, outdated, successfully completed, and no longer necessary.  Moreover, feminism has arisen as the other bad “F” word, causing women to try to distance themselves from the movement even as they are inundated by images of successful women who are, arguably, products of its work.  In Bad Feminist, media critic Roxane Gay discusses how the caricature of feminists as “angry sex-hating, man-hating” victims has been fostered “by the people who fear feminism the most, the same people who have the most to lose when feminism succeeds.”[20]   That women are buying into this notion that feminism is a cultural evil is not new and the evidence of this in popular culture dates back decades before the onset of the 21st century.
            This book notes the cyclical nature of this feminist backlash, particularly in the United States, analyzing American pop culture’s depictions of women and questioning what effect they have on the women who eagerly (or reluctantly) consume them.  Although the chapters within this book focus primarily on the contemporary moment, we realize it is impossible to study these cultural depictions as if they exist in a bubble.  We live in a historical echo chamber:  the narratives we get today concerning gender are often reincarnations of earlier epochs; the images we see today are all too often not incredibly different from those witnessed by the generations before us.  Analyzing why this is the case and how and why the 21st century alters these recurrent narratives is important because it is only when we understand what purposes these narratives serve that we can start to fully critique them.  So while we do provide historical context for these female representations, we primarily focus on how the immediate present (the terrorist attacks of 9/11, the social technology explosion, the self-help movement, etc.) has contributed to them. 
            Ultimately we argue that this current moment is a bit scarier than previous ones because the messages integrated into television shows, films, and popular literature are becoming increasingly didactic (either overtly or covertly).  In the midst of a moment that has trained us that we’re all selves in need of help, now it’s not just medical experts and pseudo psychiatrists who aim to show us the way to salvation – fixing our relationship woes and other problems one paperback purchase at a time.  Popular culture now subtly promises answers to all that ails us:  how to win the man, how to raise the kid, how to keep our sex appeal as we age.  We only need look as far as the latest Hollywood film or reality television show to discover the magical solution and prescriptive steps to getting the life we want.  Throughout this book we consider how this indoctrination into the self-help movement has impacted popular culture and its reception.  This idea that we’re selves in need of rescue is further reinforced by the culture created in the wake of 9/11. Therefore we also discuss how these portrayals of women that have existed historically are different in this 21st century culture that witnessed the revival of the manly man image and resurrection of the damsel in distress motif.[21]
Ultimately, this book shows that contemporary popular culture has created a slew of stereotypical roles for girls and women to (willingly or not) play throughout their lives: The Princess, the Nymphette, the Diva, the Single Girl, the Tiger Mother, the M.I.L.F, the Cougar, and more.  We study the impact that popular culture products marketed toward girls and women have on their development through various ages and “stages” of life. These essays investigate the role of cultural texts in gender socialization at specific moments in a woman’s life:  as a young girl, an adolescent, a single/dating woman, a bride, a wife, a pregnant woman, a mother, a middle-aged sexual woman, and a menopausal/maturing woman.   By studying a variety of products from childhood toys and fairytales to popular television shows, Hollywood films, and self-help books, we argue that popular culture exists as a type of funhouse mirror constantly distorting the real world conditions that exist for women and girls and magnifying the gendered expectations they face.  Such warped depictions of women’s experiences are further complicated by the fact that the vast majority of products marketed toward girls and women ignore class, race, and sexual orientation – equating female experiences, in most cases, to that of a uniform middle-to-upper-middle class, white, heterosexual experience.[22]  Ultimately, we ask this: if women are perpetually trapped within this funhouse mirror, through the constant barrage of media they are exposed to, how can they ever see beyond its blurry view of reality? 
            What becomes clear by dividing the vast array of gendered imagery into these prescriptive “stages” of a woman’s life is that the instruction women receive at one stage of life carries over and influences her behavior during the next (e.g. messages about girlhood during youth impact narratives concerning female dating behavior during young adulthood; motifs found within cultural depictions of brides carry over into those focused on pregnant women and new mothers; and so forth).   So it’s not just that popular culture is providing these depictions ad nauseam at every stage of a girl’s and woman’s life (providing problematic depictions ranging from toddlers-in-tiaras to cougars-on-the-prowl); it’s the spiral effect of this cultural training that needs to be noted.  The little girl who overdoses on princess culture grows up to easily buy into the cultural mindset that all women should long to be princesses for a day; therefore she is easily manipulated into the consumerist trappings of wedding culture.  The woman who is fed prescriptive fear-mongering self-help books while pregnant turns easily years later to books about how to be the perfect helicopter parent by reading up on how to play “the heavy” or become a “tiger mother.”[23]  With the help of popular culture, our little Bratz become grown-up Bridezillas and our young Nymphettes become middle-aged Cougars.  And is this really any surprise?  Ultimately we argue that the effect of these cultural narratives compounds over time like layers of scar tissue unless such cultural narratives are engaged with critically.
            In the end we suggest that all is not lost and these scars can fade.  The ways in which people can, and do, counter these narratives are plentiful and spelled out in this text.  We discuss top down efforts, such as media literacy programs being launched in schools and attempts in the business world to create advertising campaigns that foster higher self-esteem in girls.  We discuss more grassroots efforts, such as the ways in which consumers are taking advantage of web 2.0 technology to influence television programming or to curve consumption trends by posting critical product reviews.   And we discuss the idiosyncratic ways that individual women are fighting against this barrage of imagery, oftentimes reappropriating and refunctioning these female stereotypes in powerful ways.  Finally, we join the voices of other feminist media scholars who came before us, reassuring our readers that even the smallest efforts can greatly diffuse the effects that pop culture’s gendered lessons have on us.  By talking back to these narratives, laughing at their imagery, we can learn to see through the distorted depictions of women and exit the funhouse once and for all.





[1] Sandberg, Sheryl.  Lean In:  Women, Work, and the Will to Lead.  NY:  Knopf, 2013.
[2] Rosin, Hanna.  The End of Men:  And the Rise of Women.  NY:  Riverhead, 2012.
[3]  Figures provided by the 2012 Census Bureau Report on Income, Poverty and Health Insurance:  http://www.census.gov/newsroom/releases/archives/income_wealth/cb13-165.html
[4] See Needleman, Sarah E. “Pay Gap Between Men and Women Remains a Reality in Work Force.” Career Journal.com.  24 April 2007.  For additional studies on the pay gap among women, see Chang, Mariko Lin.  Shortchanged: Why Women Have Less Wealth and What Can Be Done About It.  Oxford: Oxford UP, 2010.
[5] Mroz, Jacqueline. “Female Police Chiefs, a Novelty No More.” The New York Times Online.  6 April 2008.
[6] “Women CEOs and Heads of the Financial Post 500.” Catalyst.org. March 2011.
[7] O’Brien, Timothy L. “Why Do so Few Women Reach the Top of Big Law Firms?”  The New York Times Online.  19 March 2006.
[8] “2012 Representation of United States State Court Women Judges.” National Association of Women Judges.  24 March 2013. 
[9] According to a 2013 article in Forbes Magazine, “The U.S. Gets Left Behind when it Comes to Working Women,” most developed countries are averaging closer to 80% and the U.S. currently only ranks 17th globally in this regard.
[10] Douglas, Susan J. Enlightened Sexism: The Seductive Message that Feminism’s Work is Done.  NY:  Times Books, 2010, pg. 279.    
[11] A 2012 study by The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development reports that across the developed world, women do far more of the unpaid domestic work that keeps households running.  In The United States specifically, women spend an average of 4 hours per day on childcare and household tasks compared to men’s 2.7 hours.
[12] The National Eating Disorder Association reports that 20 million women suffer from eating disorders throughout their lifetime.  A 2008 report by the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill reports that 65% of American Women admit to having disordered eating practices. 
[13] According to The 2010 National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey released by the Center for Disease Control and Prevention, approximately 35.6% of women report have experienced rape, physical violence, and/or stalking by an intimate partner in their lifetime.
[14]  Orenstein, Peggy.  Cinderella Ate My Daughter:  Dispatches From the Lines of the New Girlie-Girl Culture.  NY:  Harper Collins, 2011, pg. 6, 18.
[15]  Rivers, Caryl, and Rosalind C. Barnett.  The New Soft War on Women:  How the Myth of Female Ascendance is Hurting Women, Men – and Our Economy.  NY:  Penguin, 2013.
[16] Lisa Belkin’s 2003 article in The New York Times began the launch of articles related to the status of stay-at-home mothers.  The wave continues a decade later with articles like Judith Warner’s 2013 “The Opt-Out Generation Wants Back In.” 
[17]  For more on this controversy, see Liz Kreutz’s article “Will Clinton Baby Affect 2016, And is it Sexist to Ask”:  http://abcnews.go.com/blogs/politics/2014/04/will-clinton-baby-affect-2016-and-is-it-sexist-to-ask/
[18] Douglas, Susan.  Enlightened Sexism:  The Seductive Message that Feminism’s Work is Done. NY: Times Books, 2010, pg. 4.
[19] Gibbs, Nancy Gibbs. “What Women Want Now.” Time (26 October 2009): 31.
[20] Gay, Roxane.  Bad Feminist.  NY: Harper Perennial, 2014, pgs. ix-x.
[21] Susan Faludi in The Terror Dream:  Fear and Fantasy in Post-9/11 America (NY:  Metropolitan, 2007) discusses how the events of 9/11 helped to revitalize these stereotypical gendered depictions through the media’s frenzied attention to heroic (male) first responders and emotional (female) widows.
[22] Although at points throughout this book we do use specific examples of texts marketed primarily to women of color to show the ways in which they vary from other mainstream texts aiming to portray the same “stage” of life, we do not have the space to fully critique the impact these homogenous portrayals of women’s experience has for women whose identity constructs do not align with those of the fictional portrayals thrust upon them.   Whenever possible, however, we do direct readers to research that more fully delves into these issues.
[23]  Two of the most widely debated parenting books of the 21st century include Dara-Lynn Weiss’s The Heavy:  A Mother, a Daughter, a Diet – A Memoir (NY: Ballantine Books, 2013) and Amy Chua’s Battle Hymn of a Tiger Mother (NY:  Random House, 2011).   

Tuesday, August 12, 2014

Soap Operas, Comic Relief, and the Female Gaze: How General Hospital Merges Sexual Entertainment with Social Awareness



As a longtime fan of ABC’s General Hospital every year as a teenager and young adult I looked forward to the week in May devoted to the show’s fictional fundraiser, The Nurses Ball.  The soap opera started incorporating the gala into its annual programming in 1994 as part of its dedication to raising awareness about HIV and AIDS. Within the narrative of the show, this black tie event, which features performances by a large cross-section of the ensemble cast, raises money for HIV/AIDS research.  Along with this sweeps week spectacular, GH has included realistic storylines about a character who have died from AIDS (Stone Cates) and another who has lived her life fighting her HIV with drug protocols (Robin Scorpio Drake).  In the early 2000s, before soap operas began their quick demise, the show even capitalized on the merchandise appeal of the program and sold Nurses Ball T-Shirts on ABC’s website, with the proceeds going toward medical research.  (I own two of these that are so battered that they’re really not even appropriate to wear anymore).

I was disappointed when General Hospital stopped including this annual event into its narrative after 2001 but was thrilled in 2013 when they decided to revive it as a tribute to one of the character’s noted above.  (The event was held in part to honor the memory of Robin, who – in typical soap opera style – was mistakenly believed to be dead). 



Comic relief has always been a part of this event.  For example, the regular host throughout the years, Lucy Coe, is known for costume malfunctions that result in her ending up on stage in her undergarments.   However, during its recent reprise the show has blended comic relief with a bit of sexual exploitation, featuring a popular performance by “Magic Milo and the Magic Wands.”  (Yes, magic wands – I can’t make this stuff up!)  Capitalizing on the popularity of the 2012 film, Magic Mike, and the female fan following thereafter of its star, Channing Tatum, GH launched a storyline about a mob king’s bodyguard, Milo, who liked to moonlight as a male stripper. 



With various impromptu performances of Milo’s talent, it was no surprise when he landed a space on the stage for the annual ball alongside other male characters who were apparently not against “taking it all off” for a good cause.  (Click here for the 2013 performance and herefor the 2014 performance).

                                   


Mostly this is just an amusing, silly spectacle with, admittedly, some good eye candy.  However, there were some uncomfortable moments for me as a viewer.  For example the inclusion of a character who had just completed a multi-year storyline as the victim of male-on-male rape (Michael Corinthos Quartermaine) as a back-up dancer/stripper in the routine struck me as somewhat inappropriate.  And this year the dance number included a teenager (T.J. Ashford) and when his high school girlfriend screamed “take it all off” (in front of both their mothers), I likewise cringed.  (Although this was slightly in line with its social awareness storyline concerning teen sexual activity, as the two had recently attempted to have safe, protected sex for the first time only weeks earlier on the show).

When I view these performances by Magic Milo and company as a scholar instead of fan, I also find myself drifting back to my dissertation days when I liked to claim the soap opera genre was progressive in many ways.  The genre, as mentioned above, has traditionally been very involved in raising social awareness – specifically related to women’s issues.  But it also has been a type of programming that scholars have argued is aligned with both the rhythm of women’s days and desires.  (The serial format, use of sound cues, and oft repeated dialogue, for example, was originally in place to work well with the schedule and distracted viewing practices of homemakers).   Concerning the latter, soaps, and the primetime soaps that followed them (e.g. Sex in the City), have purposely attempted to cater to female sexuality.  If mainstream cinema and television can be accused of having a “male gaze” (often portraying women as sexual objects to be looked upon by men), this type of female programming has oftentimes purposefully flipped that, creating a “female gaze.”    Anyone who has ever watched a soap for any extended period knows that they are full of gratuitous shots of shirtless men.  Need to answer a knock at a door?  Wearing only a towel is perfectly okay in soapland. 

While I like to make fun of all of this in part, I also feel that it’s nice that this space exists for this type of alternate, playful televisual norms.  I wouldn’t normally add “loss of female gaze or eye candy” to my list of reasons why it will be a shame when soap operas finally go off the air, but I have to admit, I think that it will be sad to see an outlet dedicated to (albeit heterosexual) female desire disappear.

So while it’s there, I guess I’ll try to stop rolling my eyes and sit back and enjoy the show because it’s not every day that you can see “magic wands” dancing across your television screen.


Monday, July 28, 2014

The Bachelor Franchise Takes Voyeurism to New Level this Season



Few, if any, regular viewers of reality television are under any mistaken belief that what we receive when we tune into our favorite show is in any way “reality.”  But still, even after over a decade of popularity, the genre thrives because, despite knowledge of how such shows operate, season after season, reality television successfully sells the promise of delivering viewers a fleeting glimpse at “the real” hidden beneath the expertly edited, perfectly packaged dramatic narrative.  We watch because these shows allow us to play the role of the “Peeping Tom” without (much) guilt, witnessing the bad behavior of celebrities, the behind-the-scenes action of up-and-coming stars trying to make it in the world, or the most personal moment of everyday individuals on the quest for love:  awkward first dates, poorly timed first kisses, emotional breakups, and more.  One of the most successful reality television franchises, ABC’s The Bachelor/Bachelorette, provides all of the latter against exotic backdrops, allowing viewers to live vicariously through the (often staged) onscreen romantic moments of the contestants as they have dates that include helicopter rides over volcanoes, make out sessions beneath waterfalls, picnics over the Hollywood sign, playful mountain top snowball fights, candlelight dinners in ancient castles, and private firework displays.  It’s a successful formula:  wish fulfillment + voyeurism = viewer appeal.  This year, however, The Bachelorette took its personal brand of voyeurism to a new level and I imagine I was not alone in finding myself uncomfortable at many points throughout this season as the show capitalized on events ranging from personal tragedy and racial conflict to private medical procedures and family celebration. 

The opening episode of this past season included a somber dedication to a contestant, Eric Hill, who had died just weeks after exiting the show.  Ever ready to dangle even the most inappropriate carrot to get viewers to tune in, the program was careful to not reveal how or when the contestant died so that viewers were forced to watch all scenes with this young man – some of his last moments alive – awaiting the episode when he would be voted off and his death would be more fully explained.   Eric, a contestant depicted as an adventurous world explorer, was a potential frontrunner in the early episodes.  His last moments on the show unfortunately played into the program’s ability to further sensationalize his death.  The bachelorette, Andi Dorfman, kicked Eric off the show (before a rose ceremony) after a conversation where he accused her of putting up emotional walls and a façade; he suggested that she was acting instead of being real.  In an overreaction – he obviously touched a nerve (the lady doth protest too much methinks) – Andi asked Eric to leave and his time on the program was over.  The episode ended abruptly, omitting the rose ceremony where other contestants were voted off, in order to include a talkback session between Andi and the host, Chris Harrison, where they discussed learning about Eric’s death and how it impacted the show.  Both stressed how this incident made them realize how “real” the program really is in that it deals with real people who could face tragedy at any point.  And maybe as those of us watching at home agreed. Maybe we had finally gotten that glimpse into the real that we hunger for in reality television shows, no matter how sad that fleeting moment of real was.  But the show didn’t end with this tête-à-tête. 

The show more flagrantly capitalized on Eric’s death episodes later during Home Town Week when Harrison – on air – announced to Andi and the remaining four contestants that Eric had died in a paragliding accident.   Per usual, with cameras rolling, the producers captured the tear streaked faces of the cast and their whispered exchanges – this time of mourning.  And while I’m sure there was some reality captured in this sad scene – particularly as Andi cried in regret over the last angry words she said to Eric – the show undid this sense of reality and its ability to claim it wasn’t trying to sensationalize this young man’s death in the last few minutes of the episode.  In these moments the camera crew, producers, and other staff came onto the set and were seen embracing the cast and one another.  In and of itself this is a perfectly fine gesture.  It’s probably what should have been done.  But quite obviously the cameras were left rolling for an exploitive purpose so that these emotional exchanges could be played out in front of viewers weeks later.  Reality undone.  Tragedy exploited.

The Bachelorette hyped up another horrific moment that occurred in the season:  a racial slur that was (allegedly) made by a contestant.  While racial conflict is not unheard of on reality television and the show would not be the first to sensationalize it (as viewers of MTV’s Real World would remember), the inclusion was surprising for a franchise often criticized for its lack of racial diversity and cultural sensitivity.  The incident came to the forefront when fan favorite, Marquel Martin, learned from a housemate that a contestant had allegedly referred to him and another African American contestant, Ron Worrell, as “blackies” during the season opener.  The situation was further heightened because the contestant in question, Andrew Poole, had already been portrayed as one of the season’s villains due to other accusations (e.g. that he had obtained and bragged about getting a woman’s phone number while the season was underway). 

For a show that has historically (and problematically) ignored race, it did a decent job of addressing this issue on some levels.  Although, to be clear, most of the credit should go to Martin who, in all situations (reflecting about the incident in personal interviews, discussing it with housemates, and confronting Poole on the show both during the competition and during the “Men Tell All” episode months later), calmly (but passionately) spoke out against ignorance and racism.  However, the show quite obviously was trying to revive and heighten this conflict during last Monday’s “Men Tell All” episode.  After the men discussed this event again – reaffirming accusations and denials – Harrison announced that they had footage of the moment where Poole had supposedly made the remark during the first rose ceremony and after a prolonged pause and some precursory shots of the wide-eyed audience, the clip was shown.  Although the audio was unavailable, the video footage did clearly show Poole making an unidentifiable comment during the scene.   Regardless of the exploitive nature of the show, many were actually hoping that this incident, or more accurately the popularity of Martin, would lead to the franchise’s first bachelor of color.   (The franchise tried to position itself as slightly more diverse after having selected Juan Pablo, American-born Venezuelan former soccer star, as the last bachelor).  But, alas, that did not happen.  The “Men Tell All” episode revealed that Martin instead was placed on the most recent formulation of the franchise’s more raunchy spinoff, The Bachelor PadThe Bachelor in Paradise.   And moments later the hopes that even more diversity among white leading men might be possible was shattered when another fan favorite, Chris Soules, a farmer from Iowa, was also announced to have been placed on the spin-off.  For as much as the television show is grounded in voyeurism, it looks like we won’t be seeing anything new in terms of casting choices for a while.

The final voyeuristic moment The Bachelorette gave viewers this season involved bringing back a former bachelorette couple, Ashley Herbert and JP Rosenbaum.  Within seconds of the couple walking to the stage it was evident that they were expecting a child.  After chatting with the couple for a few moments, Harrison promised “a Bachelor first” and announced that Ashley would be having a live ultrasound to determine the sex of the baby.  And, indeed, this occurred as an awed crowd, full of smiles and tears, watched on as the two discovered they were having a boy. 

For some reason this staged event unsettled me.  As a feminist media scholar who is all for normalizing female experiences that are considered taboo, I would normally applaud a reality television show that unabashedly discussed gynecological issues or, say, showcased a woman openly breastfeeding.  But in a decade which has increasingly seen the dissolution of rights concerning women’s bodies, privacy, and reproductive rights, this projection of Ashley and JP’s fetus seemed invasive.  As Bachelor wedding events – the public broadcasting of the nuptials of those contestants who actually make it to the alter – have become increasingly prevalent, I’ve often joked to fellow fans that the stars of the program must sign blood oaths that all parts of their lives are fair game forevermore and that it seems like the equivalent of signing over the rights to a first born child.  Now that joke seems to hit too close to home.  As a woman who has had the joyous experience of discovering my firstborn’s sex through a private ultrasound, I find it hard to imagine that learning that news alongside of millions of viewers (and a live studio audience) is as intimate.  But, then again, gender reveal parties are all the rage right now so maybe I’m alone in my desire to have such moments be a family affair. 

Maybe this moment on the show disturbed me because, like the show in general, it seemed so normative.  JP and Ashley seemed like gender caricatures of expecting parents with JP complaining that Ashley was buying too many baby clothes and trumping his name selections.   Just as the program clearly endorses heteronormativity, it also seems to endorse parenthood, suggesting that having a baby should be the natural outcome for all married couples.  I suppose maybe I just had higher hopes for this season.  After all, this was the season of the bachelorette who left The Bachelor on her own terms after a disastrous fantasy suite date.  The season focused on the woman who gained fame for calling the bachelor a chauvinistic, narcissistic jerk – providing one of the first open critiques of a bachelor in the show’s history.  But, then again, this was also the season that starred a successful prosecutor who left her job as an attorney to find love on a reality show because her life wasn’t complete without it.  It was the season that found the star happily calling her suitors real men every time the aggressively pulled her aside and planted rough kisses on her.  So, am I really surprised? 

This season of The Bachelorette definitely allowed viewers to see things they had never before:  the death of a contestant, real conversations about race, and a live medical procedure, but all of this voyeurism left me feeling dirty. (And that’s saying a lot since I don’t necessarily often end a season of the show feeling morally clean!)  If this is the price I have to pay for getting a glimpse at some “real” in the midst of all  the spectacle, I think I may pass next time around.



Tuesday, July 15, 2014

Does Television Still Need Jack Bauer?: Thoughts on Fox’s 24: Live Another Day



Fox’s 24 (2001-2010), along with other hit series like ABC’s Lost (2004-2010), changed viewers’ expectations for network dramas.   In the case of 24, the series provided viewers with a different viewing experience with its filmic, action-packed sequencing and “real time” format.  The narrative for each single season follows a single day in the life of its protagonist, Jack Bauer (Keifer Sutherland), as he struggles to save the world.  This show was the first of its kind to attempt real time delivery – breaking each episode into one hour in the adventures of him and his colleagues at CTU (Los Angeles’ Counter Terrorist Unit). Having one “day” as the center of a season’s focus allows for various time manipulations and a different viewing experience.  The one-day-a-season format allows for plot compression – action, events, and conflict must unfold at rates beyond that of a normal day and viewers are asked not only to suspend their disbelief but to take this day as an exception that could happen somewhere behind the backdrops of the real government in existence to protect them.  But while compressing plot development – speeding up action or packing thrills into a more concise segment – the show actually stretches out a fictional time (one day in this case) in ways that viewers are not used to – while the action is sped up, the time itself is retarded to fit in all of the events.

The design of the show assists in making this venture successful.  Every angle foregrounds this focus on time, and the fear of running out of it.  The show’s logo is the ominous glowing digits of the number 24, each episode begins with the tagline:  “the events in this episode take place between…” (showcasing fictional start and end times for the specific episode), and all important scene breaks find themselves ending against the background sound of the foreboding tick-tock – the show’s marker and thematic sound effect. 

Of course in all actuality the program does not show its viewers a complete day in the life of Bauer or any other character for that matter.  The narrative threads change frequently, usually focusing on a minimum of four different storylines.  So while the audience can tag along on Bauer’s adventures usually for half of the time, the other half is divided between his enemies, the plotting terrorist organizations, sneak peeks behind the scenes of the White House administration, the intelligence gathering work of his colleagues at the command center or in the field, and, depending on the season, the perils of his own family members or friends.  The quick cuts between various intersecting plots allow viewers to be privy to some information before the show’s heroes, to try and unscramble the sinister plans before CTU does, and it allows the audience to be in an interestingly voyeuristic position – seeing things that should not be seen from many different perspectives.  Each episode ends in a way that highlights this multiple storyline focus and the fact that we never really know which plot point is going to develop into the most important one.  A few minutes before an episode’s end the screen is split and filled with four different shots of action unfolding at different locales and then one event is selected to finish off the show – the infamous cliffhanger.  Often this is a shot of someone dying, a bomb beginning to countdown, or a mystery uncovered, but – as intended – it is usually intriguing enough to allow viewers to eagerly await the next hour… although it will take 167 of their own until it arrives.  The temporal discord is important to note.  The show, operating under the guise of real time narrative delivery, perpetuates the myth of temporal continuity while jarring viewers with a rather profound gap between the time they experience in their own lives as they watch the show and the time that they will continue to experience during the hiatuses that exists between weekly segments and season breaks.  The promise of real time is delivered (in mutated, commercial-filled form) for approximately 45 minutes each week, but in all actuality this practice of the temporal tease is actually delivering the opposite of what a show like 24 promises – it slows down time.  Jack Bauer’s day is actually retarded and stretched out in order to fulfill the necessary requirements of program sequencing and network delivery.  And, in multiple seasons, viewers are forced (again despite the promise of real time continuity and temporal parallelism) to experience the reverse and watch time be sped up as a new season of 24 will often find itself starting up in the fictional world months and/or years from where the viewers left the imaginary scene the season before.  However this temporal discord is played out, the device is apparently quite enjoyable and has inspired many shows in its aftermath to attempt such a temporal structure (e.g. Prison Break, Lost, Mixology). 
            
24 also helped to disrupt televisual rules, such as “thou shall not kill off main characters.”  As is expected, Jack is always successful in saving the world from peril.  However, the first season schooled viewers early that such heroism would not always come without a cost.  The final episode ended in a scene reminiscent of the final moments of the film Seven, where Jack (who had successfully prevented an assassination attempt and rescued both his pregnant wife and teenage daughter from captivity) walks into a holding room at his own work place to find that his wife’s throat had been slit by his traitorous, double agent partner.  The happy ending – the saved day – is undone within the last 30 seconds of the episode.  Other shows have followed in step, making bold moves to unexpectedly kill off main characters (e.g. Lost was known for this practice early in its run as well, and kept viewers unnerved by eventually even killing off the character whose flashbacks grounded the individual episode that was showing). 

In its early years, 24 was also at the forefront of programming that provided timely post-9/11 political critiques – merging real news headlines concerning terrorism, torture, homeland security, and foreign policy into its narrative.   Since 24 went off the air in 2010, other shows have surfaced to do similar narrative work:  Showtime’s Homeland (2011-present), ABC’s Scandal (2012-present), and Netflix’s House of Cards (2013-present).  With so many shows giving viewers a fix of what 24 once did (an action film in a televisual format; temporal play; narrative complexity; political commentary), I was curious to see how Fox’s recent miniseries, 24: Live Another Day, would be received and what this limited run reboot would do the narrative legacy it left behind four years ago. 

The ratings would deem this added season (although they are not calling it such) a success.  And, as I expected, the potential of another miniseries or a movie offshoot is not off the table.  As a fan of the original series, I found myself once again enjoying the narrative pacing, the ability to binge multiple “hours” at a time through delayed viewing, and the ways in which contemporary concerns (foreign relations with the Middle East, China, and Russia; military defense debates concerning drone programs; campaigns for information transparency, and so forth) played out (hyperbolically) in the fictional world.  But mostly I was interested in seeing how this new run would pick up on old plots and relationships and in that way I was not disappointed.  [Spoiler Alert]  Live Another Day brought Jack into contact with his former love interest, Audrey Heller, and his old nemesis, Cheng Zhi.  Like the shocking first season, this series ended with Audrey’s death (at Cheng’s extended hand) which (although not at all shocking now that the show’s formulas are so well established) gave the series the feeling of having gone full circle back to the beginning.  Her death during the last fifteen minutes of the episode pretty much solidified the fact that Jack himself would not die, although viewers might have been led to believe otherwise.  The pained look on Jack’s face in this scene reminded me of that of Dexter’s in that series’ finale after Deb died.  It did not surprise me to discover that the writers had toyed with killing off Jack because, like with Dexter, it is hard to imagine that the series will ever end in a traditional happy ending for a character who has perpetually played the suffering soul and crossed so many moral lines.  The tightrope dance Jack does in terms of morality was displayed beautifully by the juxtaposition of his last two scenes this season.  In the first he decapitates Cheng after providing the proof the Chinese government needed that he was alive (hence stopping a war). And in the second he sacrifices himself to save his only friend, Chloe, by surrendering himself to the Russians who have been hunting him for four years.  This scene where Jack is whisked away on a helicopter was almost exactly the same as the end of season five where Jack was carted away on a freight headed to China – another moment of déjà vu.  But it was fitting that his last heroic action was to save his friend – arguably one of the best characters on the show – as their relationship has always been the one constant the strung the various seasons together.

If I was a betting media critic, I’d say that we haven’t seen the last of Jack.  I’m not sure that we still need Jack Bauer in 2014, and I’m not sure that any additional runs of 24 will provide us with anything we haven’t seen before, but there is comfort in the familiar, in the nostalgia, and the escapism of believing the world will always saved by a little rouge vigilante justice, so I’ll watch the next round when it comes out.